Jerry put his foot in his mouth, not your money in his pocket: These types of exposés are long overdue. The scamming of people in the name of God is still going on.
However, I didn’t like you putting Jerry Falwell in that crowd. True, he has raised a lot of money and famously founded the Moral Majority, but he didn’t do this by promising people something that he knew he could never give. These people pervert the truth of God’s word — Jerry just tried to stir people to action. His church is a member of the Southern Baptist Convention and is accountable to the members. All Southern Baptist churches operate this way.
Old Jerry was indeed a lightning rod for a lot of criticism and even said some silly things at times, but I’m sure he never scammed anyone like Humbard, Roberts, Hinn, Crouch, Popoff, etc.
Mark Borzillo
Hermann, Missouri
“The Wild, Wild West Bank,” December 12
Ghetto Blaster
Let’s just hope justice isn’t a Mirage: The Flats ghetto bars may as well consider their days over. My friend, Daymon Mumford, was killed by the quality crowd attracted by these fine establishments, Metropolis and Mirage.
You messed with the wrong people this time. Cleveland’s lack of patrols and regard for the safety of its citizens created this problem. These two bars will not be in business, once we are done with them. They keep saying it was a stray bullet, not intended for him. What the fuck? There shouldn’t have been any bullets, regardless of their intended path — the path that took my beloved friend from us.
Wake up, Cleveland — it’s called broken-window syndrome. Look at all those pieces of shit walking our streets in the place you call home. Cleveland, you allow them to do so, with their deadly weapons of choice. And through ignorance and pure hatred, those pieces of shit took one of the best people this world had to offer. Meanwhile, those pieces of shit continue to walk our streets. You had better be on your knees, begging for mercy, because God will hunt you down and justice will be served.
Angie Woodman
Lakewood
It’s my party bar, and I’ll cry if I want to: In order to take a look at this situation logically, let’s look at some facts. Much violence that stems from the downtown-area nightclubs comes predominantly from those who are black. Is it wrong for urbanites to celebrate their livelihood, listen to chart-topping music that most young and old white people listen to, or dress up their cars with twenty-inch rims? No.
What’s wrong is everyone pointing their fingers at them. There are so few downtown hip-hop clubs that when one appears, people don’t know how to act. The Cleveland police need to be involved. It is the city’s job to ensure the safety of others.
Still, freedom of speech should not be taken away from the club-goers, and everyone in this situation has made a choice that entails some good outcomes and some bad. So it is their job, too, to take responsibility.
Take the girl who was allegedly shot at Mirage. She chose to go to a club known for violence and chaos, and should not cry about it — just like the rest of the people.
Michelle Haas
Cleveland
“The King of Spin,” December 5
Cosmic Consciousness
Story raises awareness higher than an alien spacecraft: My disillusionment with Dennis Kucinich probably began around the time I learned that brain-addled New Ager Shirley MacLaine was one of his biggest champions. After reading “The King of Spin” by the estimable Denise Grollmus, I realize that my awakening should have happened sooner. The talented Ms. Grollmus provided an excellent crash course on the man’s rise, fall, and many inexplicable comebacks.
Brian W. Fairbanks
Lakewood
At least we didn’t quote our interview with Britney: I’ve never voted for Dennis Kucinich. And I respect Brent Larkin. He treated me well when I was the head of a labor organization. I worked against Dennis in his first comeback attempt, when he ran for State Senate against Dale Miller. I worked for Dan Brady too — the guy who beat Dennis’ brother Gary for a council seat in ’85. Have I established my credibility yet?
God knows there is plenty to criticize Kucinich about, both then and now. But it’s clear the author is so far removed from those days and the political dynamics of the time — and the political dynamics on the West Side to this day — that it was folly to write an article based on an interview with Brent Larkin, an interview with the former public-relations director for CEI (you’re kidding, right?), and one Cleveland magazine article. Scene quoting Cleveland Magazine is akin to The New York Times quoting People. I have now officially seen everything.
I spent a decade working in city politics with people who were there and were not questioned for the story. Why not talk to Councilman Jay Westbrook, Councilwoman Donna Brady, former State Representative Pat Sweeney, and Ward Leader Lori Jones? Or the Chudner family, who received death threats for having Carl Stokes signs in their yard, yet found a way to support Kucinich in his fights against George Forbes?
The fact is, Dennis’ City Hall was a disaster. And yes, there is a strong undercurrent of racism among white West Side populists. But the allegation is made without any interviews of people who worked on the campaigns or citing any campaign literature.
What bothers me the most is the contention that history is being rewritten. The fight against tax abatement was a fight against corporate domination of public policy. The fight to save Muny Light really was a fight to keep CEI from gaining a monopoly with assistance from Cleveland Trust. Did the author even read the transcripts of the congressional hearings on the subject?
Talk to a few more people who were actually there. A different story will emerge.
Ken Ilg
Aurora
This article appears in Dec 26, 2007 – Jan 1, 2008.
Forty years ago in 1967 Carl B. Stokes was elected the first black Mayor of a major American City. I was the operations manager of that campaign along with my partner Geraldine Willliams. In 1965, Stokes had run and almost won in a city that was 70% white and 30% black. In 1965 he had come so close to winning that there was a recount. His victory in 67 was hailed as one the greatest moments in the civil rights struggle and also a triumph of the brotherhood of man. Partially, yes—-partially, no. In the 1965 campaign there were practically no white votes for Stokes. In 67 there was only 15%. Not exactly a triumph for the brotherhood of man. In fact, in 1965 I was his “white” aide and traveling companion to show not only the white community, but just as importantly the black community that he had white support. Many in the black community said “it’s not time”—he’s not ready—will he win and bring disgrace to the community—will he be killed by the racists” Do these same sentiments sound familiar in 2007?
Also, in 1965 he was up against a potent political machine, one that regularly “bought off” members of the black community. There were city councilman and black pastors all of whom had ties to the white establishment. Sound familiar in 2007? In both 1965 and 1967 it was the black community that turned out in large numbers and then voted 97% for Stokes. He still lost in 1965 because some of the black vote was disaffected by the councilman and pastors but it was so close that in 1967 and with the blessing of the establishment he won—-but by a very small margin. Again, it was the black turnout and overwhelming percentage vote in his favor that carried the day.
How does Barack Obama’s campaign of 2007 differ from those two campaigns of long ago? He is running against the establishment (the Clinton machine) and there are black “leaders” that are staying with this establishment. Polls are showing that many in the black community are saying the same things that they said in 1965—–it’s not time—he’s not ready—he will be killed if he is elected. Are these sentiments carried down through time going to defeat him in 2007? Here is the reason that the campaigns are not alike. The white support for Obama is huge compared to the white support for Stokes forty years ago. Who would have dreamed then that a black man running for the President of the United States could garner such white support, attract such crowds, and be so close to winning. I see campaign crowds I see a sea of white faces cheering him and I see a much different time than that of 1965 & 1967.
Following is an example from the 1965 campaign. It shows how extraordinary the idea of a black mayor (there are now hundreds) was to the black community at that time. The last weekend before the election we had a parade through the streets of the East Side of Cleveland. It wasn’t much of a parade, as parades go, a handful of cars with balloons and banners on the them, horns honking, people waving, and Carl and is wife sitting on the back of the last car. I was in the front seat As the caravan pulled past the corner, there was a small boy about ten or eleven standing in the middle of a group of children. The cars had been going past honking with signs “Stokes for Mayor” on the sides. As the car with Stokes sitting on the back came to the corner the boy stood, his eyes widened at the sight of Carl and he cried out, “HE’S COLORED.” He started to clap his hands and jump up and down. “HE’S COLORED, HE’S COLORED,” he cried out to no one in particular. “HE’S COLORED, HE’S COLORED” and he started to skip down the street after the car. I looked back as the cars picked up speed and left the little boy in the distance. He was still running and clapping his hands. I turned around to Carl and caught a very different expression on his face, part smile and part a distant look in his eyes. “I think it’s all been worthwhile,” I said. A quick but soft-spoken reply, “Yes, I think you’re right.” That’s how it was back then. A little boy thought, “this couldn’t be—–his parents and grandparents thought—could this possibly be? And a city and a nation wondered if history was in the making.
I sometimes wonder where that little boy is now, forty years later. What about his children and grandchildren? Does he remember how he felt that day? Does he remember the wonderment of seeing a black man siting on the top of a convertible, his skipping down the street in that wonderment of a black man striving for the impossible? How do his children and grandchildren feel today? Will they participate in today’s “impossible dream”?
Now, forty years later I see the crowds, more white than black, cheering a man of color. Now, forty years later, I see polls showing that this man of color could likely be the next President of the United States. I see now, forty years later, that dreams do come true——-and a little boy of so long ago could still clap, skip down the street and cry out—-“He’s colored-He’s colored—- he’s colored. Will the black community support Obama as we Irish Catholics did for John Kennedy in 1960, as the Momons will do for Mitt Romney this year, as every ethnic group has done for their history making candidates since the country began. It is the black vote that can insure victory for Barack Obama. This is the year. This is the time. This is history in the making.
The face of The United States of America is about to change.
Article Source:
B. Kenneth McGee, Author
Eyes Shut Tight